English only · Odia translation in progress

Research Document: “The Leaving” — Odia Migration, Brain Drain, and Diaspora

Compiled: 2026-03-24 Purpose: Background research for article on Odias who leave Odisha and the structural consequences Status: Raw research — needs author editorial judgment before writing

1. MIGRATION NUMBERS — THE SCALE

Census 2011 (Most Recent Comprehensive Data)

Total interstate out-migrants from Odisha: ~12.71 lakh (1,271,121 persons)
This is 8.07% of Odisha’s total out-migration (the rest, 91.93%, is intra-state)
Odisha’s total population (2011): 4.2 crore (41.97 million)
The rate of out-migration for males from Odisha for economic reasons (“work and employment”) is more than double the all-India average — 58% of male migrants cite employment, vs. national average of 24%
For females: work-related migration is 6.11% vs. national average of 2%
Eastern states (West Bengal, Odisha, Bihar, Jharkhand) together account for 24.4% of all inter-state migrants in India

Source: Census 2011 Snapshot: Out-migration from Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha and Chhattisgarh

Destination States (Census 2011 breakdown)

Destination State	Share of Odisha’s interstate out-migrants
Gujarat	18.09%
Andhra Pradesh	13.89%
Chhattisgarh	12.93%
Maharashtra	11.43%
Karnataka	8.29%
Jharkhand	7.41%
West Bengal	7.30%

PLFS and Other Estimates

PLFS 2020-21: ~8.51 lakh (851,000) labourers from Odisha migrate annually for work
Odisha Migration Survey (OMS) 2023 (by IIT Hyderabad, covering 15,000 households across all 30 districts): estimates 1.7 million inter-state migrants originated from Odisha
CMLS tracking: Seasonal labourers rose from 87,000 (2008) to 1.05 lakh (2012) to 1.2 lakh (2013) to 1.35 lakh (2014) to 1.45 lakh — and these are only the tracked numbers
Expert estimates: 3-5 lakh labourers migrate annually to different states

Sources:

District-Wise Breakdown: Migration-Prone Districts

Ten identified migration-prone districts:

Bargarh
Bolangir (Balangir)
Kalahandi
Nuapada
Ganjam
Gajapati
Koraput
Nabarangpur (Nowrangpur)
Sonepur (Subarnapur)
Boudh

District-to-Destination Mapping

Source District(s)	Primary Destination	Type of Work	Scale
Ganjam	Surat (Gujarat)	Powerloom textile workers	~7 lakh (700,000)
Ganjam (SC/Dalit)	Kerala	Construction, unskilled labor	Growing (new corridor)
Bolangir, Nuapada, Kalahandi, Bargarh, Sonepur, Boudh	AP, Telangana, TN, Karnataka	Brick kilns (dadan labour)	~2 lakh (60,000+ families)
Bolangir cluster	AP/Telangana brick kilns	Brick making	~3 lakh workers/year from Kantabanji area
Kendrapada	All India + Gulf countries	Plumbing	~1 lakh (100,000)
Kalahandi	Chhattisgarh (Raipur, Durg)	Vegetable farming	Significant (ST/OBC)
Koraput, Malkangiri, Rayagada	Kerala, TN, AP	Construction, brick kilns	Part of KBK distress migration
Coastal Odisha	Kerala	Fishing, construction	Traditional corridor
Various (professional)	Bangalore, Hyderabad, Pune	IT, engineering	~6 lakh in Bangalore alone

Seasonal vs. Permanent Migration

Less than 20% of out-migration is seasonal (under 6 months)
Majority (80%+) of migrants stay at destinations for more than 6 months — semi-permanent or permanent
18-31% of households in migration-prone blocks have at least one person who has migrated for work outside Odisha
Brick kiln migration is seasonal: depart October-December, return May-June (monsoon)
Powerloom migration is semi-permanent: workers stay years, return for festivals/elections

Sources:

Remittance Data

Ganjam district receives the highest remittances in Odisha: ~Rs 120 crore per month
Estimated total Odia migrant remittances (2007): Rs 2,000 crore/year (one NGO estimate)
Average monthly remittance per Odia migrant in Surat (2009 study): Rs 1,427
Self-employed migrants remit more: up to Rs 1,655/month
Single migrants remit nearly half their earnings
Southern Odisha blocks: ~INR 30 crore annually in remittances
Transfer methods shifting from banks to private operators and family members carrying cash

Source: MOSPI Report on Impact of Remittances

2. THE SURAT-GANJAM CORRIDOR

Scale and History

Corridor age: 80+ years — one of India’s oldest and most established internal migration corridors
Current estimated Odia workers in Surat: 7-8 lakh (700,000-800,000)
From Ganjam alone: ~6 lakh (600,000) according to UNDP 2007 study; some estimates say 7 lakh
Ganjam’s migration share to Gujarat: 40% of all migrants from the district go to Gujarat
Surat’s textile industry: Produces ~90% of India’s polyester; operated largely by Odia migrants
Total loom machines in Surat: 1.5 million across the city

Sources:

Working Conditions

Shifts: 12 hours, 7 a.m.-7 p.m. or 7 p.m.-7 a.m.
Days off: None standard. Maximum 2 days/month. No weekly off, no paid leave
Machines per worker: 8-16 loom machines per person
Pay: Rs 20,000-25,000/month; paid Rs 1.10-1.50 per metre of fabric produced
Registration: Not registered under real names; no ID cards; casual workers even after 10+ years
Legal status: Most looms registered under Shops and Establishment Act (not Factories Act), so workers get no accident compensation or insurance

Living Conditions — “The Rooms by the Looms”

Room size: 500-800 square feet
Occupancy: 60-100 workers per room across two shifts
Per-person space: Six-by-three-feet (shared — one person uses it for 12 hours, then another)
Building type: “Panch Manzila” (five-story buildings), described as “run-down” with “dilapidated interiors”
Ventilation: Ill-lit, ill-ventilated, many rooms windowless
Temperature: Summer reaches 40 degrees C; inadequate fans
Water: Intermittent supply
Toilets: Two shared toilets per room; smell of urine pervasive
Kitchen: Adjacent to bathrooms
Pests: Termites, rats, bed bugs (visible bug blood on walls)
Garbage: Accumulates for weeks
Mattresses: Worn, infested with bedbugs; workers prefer bare floors in summer
Mess fees: Rs 2,300-2,500/month (rent + meals combined)
Dalit workers pay Rs 2,300/month at separate, caste-segregated messes

Health Consequences

Tuberculosis, scabies, fungal infections, malaria
Daily fat consumption at 294% of recommended levels; salt at 376%
Hypertension and poor lipid profiles common
Poor nutrition despite working 12 hours
Documented deaths:
- Krishna Subhas Goud (28): Died from TB, February 2018
- Santosh Gouda (18): Died from fever/dysentery, June 2018 — body remained in mess room
- Bikash Gouda (16): Electrocuted by high-voltage current while starting a machine, April 25 (year not specified)
Between 2012-2015: 84 fatal events killed 114 workers in registered textile processing units in Surat; 375 workers seriously injured
One loom master from Ganjam reported conducting 27 funerals in one year

Sources:

How the Recruitment Networks Work

Migration is through informal social networks — not registered contractors
Networks operate along caste lines
Teli community (OBC, dominant caste in Ganjam) dominates the Surat corridor
Community members who migrated earlier assure new migrants of work, accommodation, and food
Some workers transition from migrant to labour contractor (“loom master”) over time — e.g., Gantayat
Local agents in Ganjam convince workers by offering travel advance
No formal contracts — workers remain unregistered, unnamed, without ID cards

Caste Dynamics in Surat — A Portable Hierarchy

Mess operators (upper caste/OBC) refuse to accommodate Dalits
Akul Dandapani Nahak (54, mess operator for 20 years): “In the 20 years… lower caste [Dalits] workers have not been accommodated here”
Ramesh Sethi (41, SC Dhoba community): At higher-caste messes, “he must take his own thali and wait for someone to serve”
SC migrants face caste hierarchy at work too: won’t let them touch machines, forced to dine and live separately
Result: Dalits from Ganjam are increasingly migrating to Kerala instead of Surat — a new corridor emerging because of caste exclusion
Kerala offers higher wages AND less caste discrimination

Sources:

What Happens to Villages When Young Men Leave

For much of the year, only women, elderly, and children remain in Ganjam villages
Feminization of agriculture: Women assume major role in farm activities, but also face:
- Inability to access healthcare without husbands
- Difficulty managing children alone
- Increased burden of physical labor (firewood collection, farming)
- Limited telephone connectivity with husbands
- Difficulty accessing banking for remittances
Positive impacts: Increased motorcycle/autorickshaw ownership, new micro-enterprises (internet centers, rice mills, shops), improved housing and sanitation, enhanced social standing
Multidimensional poverty in Ganjam declined from ~22% (2015-16) to 6% (2019-20) — migration and remittances cited as a factor

The Reverse Migration Hope

Sisir Gouda of Balakrushnapur, Ganjam, worked in Surat/Mumbai textile mills for 32 years. Set up Matexmate Textile Private Limited in his native village in 2020 with partners Govind Chandra Ghadei and Raghunath Ghadei. Invested Rs 2 crore, installed 9 weaving machines. Capacity can extend to 50 machines accommodating 200+ workers. Seeking state government financial support.

Source: Factory Worker Weaves Hope | OdishaBytes

3. THE BRICK KILN MIGRATION (WESTERN ODISHA)

The Dadan System — How Debt Bondage Works

Etymology: “Dadan” traces to Persian word “dadni” meaning “to give” or “an advance payment”

The annual cycle:

August (Nuakhai festival): Sardars (labour contractors) visit villages during the harvest festival, verify workers’ age and physical condition, discuss workplace
Advance payment (“Bahu Bandha” — “tying of arms” in Balangir): Workers receive Rs 35,000-60,000 per person. Amount has risen from Rs 40,000 to Rs 50,000-60,000 in recent years
Documents seized: Sardars keep workers’ Aadhaar cards and other documents as “guarantee”
October-December departure: Workers board trains at Kantabanji or Khariar Road railway stations
January-June: 6 months of brick-making at kilns in AP, Telangana, TN, Karnataka
Production targets: e.g., 6 lakh bricks over 6 months per family unit
May-June return: Workers return before monsoon — but often forced to stay longer if targets not met
Monsoon (non-working season): Workers have no income; survive on next year’s advance — perpetuating the cycle

Why workers accept: They need cash to repay moneylenders (who charge high interest), celebrate Nuakhai, survive the monsoon. The advance from sardars is their only source.

The trap: Once advance is accepted, worker is effectively bonded. At the kiln, only a food allowance is paid — actual settlement happens at end of season. Deductions pile up. The whole family (including children) must work 12-16 hours/day to earn enough to eat.

Geography

Source districts: Bolangir, Nuapada, Kalahandi, Bargarh, Sonepur, Boudh

The Kantabanji Hub:

Kantabanji (Bolangir district) is the largest migrant labour market in western Odisha
Workers come from a cluster of 15 blocks around Kantabanji town
~300,000 workers migrate annually from this area
During November, guesthouses and hotels fill up as “seths” (brick kiln owners) arrive to recruit
Kantabanji’s labour trade in Nuakhai season alone: at least Rs 1,200 crore in transactions
Kantabanji railway station is the primary departure point
Naveen Patnaik chose to contest from Kantabanji in 2024 elections — and lost

Affected blocks: Muribahal, Bangomunda, Turekela, Belpada, Patnagarh, Titlagarh

Destination states: Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka; also brick kilns near Cuttack and Bhubaneswar within Odisha

Scale

Over 60,000 families (about 2 lakh individuals) from Bolangir, Nuapada, Kalahandi, Boudh, Sonepur, Bargarh migrate annually
An additional 40,000-50,000 move to brick kilns near Cuttack and Bhubaneswar
Close to 100,000 people recruited across villages of four high-migration districts
Every year, 200,000+ people are recruited by labour agents and transported to AP brick kilns
In Sargul village (Muribahal block, Balangir): 90% of ~2,300 residents are in the dadan category
In Ichhapada panchayat: 80% are dadan workers
January-June described as “near-total exodus” from these areas

Conditions at Brick Kilns

Work hours: 12-16 hours/day
Wages at kiln: Rs 8,000-12,000/month — but often only a food allowance paid
Workers predominantly young: 72% aged 16-29
Entire families work — including children
No medical facilities
Physical toll: Workers ruin their health with grueling labor and no healthcare

Specific Case: Premabati’s Family (Sargul village, Balangir)

Family received Rs 3 lakh advance
Repaid Rs 50,000 (plus interest) to moneylender
Contractor deducted Rs 40,000
Kiln owner deducted Rs 10,000
Brick target: 6 lakh bricks in 6 months
Actual production: 4,30,000 bricks
Shortfall: 1,70,000 bricks — forced to work 1 extra month
Family spending for Nuakhai festival: “a few hundred rupees”

Source: Chained by debt: How migrant workers’ distress shadows Nuakhai | The Federal

Children in Brick Kilns

Children as young as 10-12 work alongside parents
February 2020 rescue (Tamil Nadu): 247 people freed including 50 children — families from Odisha and Chhattisgarh
May 2020 rescue (Tamil Nadu): 360 people rescued, 64 children among them
February 2026 (Karnataka): 34 bonded labourers including children rescued from Bagalkot district kiln
Children miss school entirely during 6-month migration period

Major Rescue Operations

1. May 2020 — 360 rescued, 6,750 freed (Tamil Nadu)

IJM (International Justice Mission) helped rescue 360 people from a brick kiln in Pudhukuppam, Tiruvallur
Owner had lured them with cash advances, then cheated and forced them to make thousands of bricks/day
When food/water became scarce during COVID lockdown, workers asked to leave — owner’s men assaulted them with clubs and sticks
19-year-old Manasi Bariha from Balangir alerted relatives and media
Result: Officials met owners of 30 nearby kilns; demanded all migrant labourers be allowed home
~6,750 people released in just 48 hours — 150 buses ferried them to railway stations
Police found 30 other kilns practicing illegal bonded labour

Source: Brave 19YO Girl Helps Rescue 6000 Labourers | The Better India

2. February 2020 — 247 rescued (Tamil Nadu)

Proactive government officials freed 247 people including 50 children
Families trafficked from Odisha and Chhattisgarh
Forced to repay “advances” of Rs 15,000-50,000

3. May 2023 — Children aged 12-17 rescued

Families lured with Rs 45,000 advance, earned only Rs 400/week
Worked 15+ hours/day for 8 months
March 2024: Kiln owner and trafficker convicted

4. February 2026 — 34 rescued (Karnataka, Bagalkot)

Bonded labourers from Odisha including children
Rs 30,000 immediate compensation per person

Sources:

4. PROFESSIONAL / IT BRAIN DRAIN

Engineering Education in Odisha

Total engineering colleges: ~120+ BTech colleges (17 government, 102+ private)
Top institutions: IIT Bhubaneswar, NIT Rourkela, IIIT Bhubaneswar, KIIT, SOA University
IIT Bhubaneswar (2025): 254 B.Tech students placed, 90.07% placement rate, highest package Rs 67.6 LPA
NIT Rourkela (2024-25): 1,374 students placed, highest package Rs 52.98 LPA, average Rs 12.59 LPA
Top recruiters: Microsoft, Amazon, Goldman Sachs, Qualcomm, Oracle, Myntra, Zomato
Average placement range: Rs 4.1-17.1 LPA across Odisha engineering colleges
Key point: Bhubaneswar Info-Valley absorbs some graduates, but Bangalore, Hyderabad, Pune remain top destinations for specialized roles

IIT Brain Drain (National Context)

A 2023 NBER study found 36% of top 1,000 JEE rankers moved abroad
Among top 100 rankers: 62% went abroad
In the 1990s, up to 70% went abroad
Over 60,000 doctors and 75,000 engineers leave India annually

Odia Population in Tech Cities

Bangalore: Approximately 6,00,000 Odias as of 2016
Hyderabad: Significant community; Utkal Parishad (Kanchanbagh), WOSACA
Pune: Bhetghat Cultural Association (est. 2005)
Almost no comprehensive data on “return migration” to Odisha of professionals

Kendrapada: India’s Plumbing Capital — A Unique Skill Migration

~1 lakh (100,000) people from Kendrapada district work as plumbers across India and abroad
From villages in Pattamundai, Aul, Rajkanika, and Rajnagar blocks
Destinations: All major Indian cities + Gulf countries/West Asia
Earnings: Rs 50,000-1 lakh/month in West Asia; Rs 30,000-1 lakh in Indian cities
Notable contribution: Plumbers from Kendrapada worked on India’s new Parliament building, convention centres in Delhi, and Qatar FIFA World Cup 2022 stadiums
Skill institution: State Institute of Plumbing Technology (SIPT) in Pattamundai — the only institute in India dedicated to plumbing
Almost every household has at least one member in the plumbing trade

Sources:

5. SPECIFIC EVENTS AND STORIES

COVID-19 Reverse Migration (2020) — The Walking Migrants

Scale of return:

5.8 million natives returned to Odisha by 29 June 2020
358,401 migrants returned by Shramik Special trains (by 7 July 2020)
36% of train returnees came from Gujarat (130,537 people) — the highest share
17% from Telangana, 15% from Tamil Nadu
853,777 people returned from Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala during April-September 2020

The Walking Crisis:

Migrants lost jobs and income; couldn’t access basic services
Thousands walked or cycled hundreds/thousands of kilometres to reach home
Government arranged Shramik Special trains
Quarantine camps/TMCs established at Gram Panchayat level (14-day observation)

COVID Cases Linked to Returnees:

Almost 90% of Odisha’s 1,189 COVID cases (as of late May 2020) attributed to returning migrants
Cases rose from 162 on May 3 to 611 in just 11 days

Source: COVID-19-Led Reverse Migration on Labour Supply in Rural Economy | Sage Journals

Surat COVID Lockdown Violence (2020)

March 30, 2020: 90+ Odia workers arrested in Surat for defying lockdown

April 2020: 81 Odia migrant workers arrested for setting 10+ vehicles ablaze, protesting lockdown extension. Workers claimed they weren’t getting food/basic facilities at confinement camps.

May 2020: Over 1,000 migrant workers (many Odia) clashed with police, demanding to be sent home.

Beating death: Satya Swain from Kullada village near Bhanjanagar, Ganjam — working in Surat for 2 years — allegedly beaten to death by police enforcing lockdown.

Sources:

2023 Balasore Train Disaster

June 2, 2023: Three trains collided near Bahanaga Bazar station, Balasore district
296 killed, 1,200+ injured — one of India’s deadliest railway crashes
Many victims were migrant workers in unreserved general coaches, heading to Chennai for work
General coaches were cheapest tickets, most crowded, no seat reservations — used predominantly by migrant workers
Identification crisis: Railways only had names of reserved-seat passengers; DNA tests needed for unclaimed bodies
Morgues reached capacity; bodies placed in school corridors and business parks
Bodies allegedly handed to wrong families
West Bengal Migrant Workers Union demanded judicial probe and official disclosure of unreserved-coach victims

Sources:

Surat Fire Accidents

2012-2015: 84 fatal events killed 114 workers in registered textile units in Surat; 375 seriously injured
Nandan Denim factory fire: Workers trapped — only one exit, reachable only by climbing a steep ladder. No fire safety equipment. Multiple safety violations. Deaths reported.
September 2025: 2 killed, 20 injured in blast at Surat textile unit
Factories lack proper fire escapes, emergency apparatus, safety equipment
Deaths/injuries in mess rooms are excluded from employer liability

Manasi Bariha — The 19-Year-Old Who Freed 6,750 People

Tribal girl from Balangir, trafficked to Tamil Nadu brick kiln
Father took Rs 28,000 advance to pay medical debts for late mother
Went with father and 10-year-old sister + 355 others from Balangir, Nuapada, Kalahandi
During COVID lockdown, kiln owner refused to release workers, beat them
Manasi alerted relatives and media contacts
6,750 labourers freed from 31 kilns in 48 hours

6. GOVERNMENT RESPONSES

The Orissa Dadan Labour Act, 1975

Historic significance: Odisha was the first state in India to formulate a law protecting migrant workers — 4 years before the national Inter-State Migrant Workman Act, 1979
Key provisions: Registration requirements, minimum wages, inspection mechanisms, contractual agreements for recruitment
Failures:
- Sardars’ promises of monthly wage settlement routinely broken
- Once under contractor’s control, workers taken to far-off places with only rail fare paid
- No fixed working hours; workers labor every day under extremely bad conditions
- Non-implementation of Minimum Wages Act
- Rehabilitation committees lack functionality
- No accommodation security or timely wage payment
- Effectively a dead letter — enforcement negligible

Source: Orissa Dadan Labour Act 1975 | Lawsisto

Task Force on Distress Migration (2024)

October 2024: Odisha government formed 20-member task force
Led by: Deputy CM K.V. Singh Deo
Members include: Deputy CM Pravati Parida, Panchayati Raj Minister Rabinarayan Naik, Chief Secretary Manoj Ahuja, Development Commissioner Anu Garg
Focus: Address distress migration from the state

Source: Odisha govt forms task force | Prameya News

MGNREGA Supplementary Scheme

July 2022: Odisha started providing additional 200 days work to job-seekers in 20 migration-prone blocks in Bargarh, Bolangir, Kalahandi, Nuapada
November 2023: Extended to 10 tribal blocks in Gajapati, Kandhamal, Koraput, Nabarangpur, Rayagada
Additional wage: Rs 115/day over MGNREGA rate of Rs 237 — to match minimum unskilled wage
Intent: Provide work before peak migration season to prevent distress departure

Source: Checking migration: Odisha extends MGNREGA-supplementary | Down to Earth

Mobile Migrant Resource Centre

Launched by Odisha government in collaboration with UN bodies (FAO, IOM)
Toll-free helpline: 1800-345-7885
Reaches workers in migration-prone areas proactively

MiRC (Migration Information & Resource Centre)

Network of 11 NGOs
Tracks migration from western and coastal Odisha
Follows up rehabilitation of released bonded labourers in 7 districts
Provides estimates and data that government statistics miss

Political Dimension: “Dadan Khati” as Election Issue

In the 2024 elections, BJP used “Dadan Khati” (poor labourers leaving the state) as a weapon against BJD’s 24-year rule
Naveen Patnaik contested from Kantabanji (migration hub) as his second seat — and lost to BJP’s Laxman Bagh by 16,344 votes
~200,000 voters in western Odisha effectively disenfranchised by migration
Berhampur (Ganjam) recorded only 63% turnout of 1.6 million voters — lowest, attributed to migrant absence
70,000 fisherfolk from Gopalpur/Chhatrapur actually returned from southern states to vote

Sources:

7. DIASPORA ORGANIZATIONS

International Organizations

World Odisha Society (WOS)

Founded: 14 January 2021 (Makar Sankranti)
Status: Highest and apex organisation of the Odia Diaspora worldwide
Reach: ~74 countries (up from 20 at founding)
Mission: Project, promote, propagate Odisha’s art, culture, language internationally; ensure safety and wellbeing of Pravasi Odias; campaign for NRO Ministry in state government
Website: worldodishasociety.org

The Odisha Society of the Americas (OSA)

Incorporated: 1981 in Tennessee
Status: 501(c)(3) public non-profit
Chapters: ~20 regional chapters across USA and Canada
Annual Convention: July 4th weekend; several thousand attendees
Activities: Cultural events, religious festivals, business forums, youth forums, healthcare forums, trade shows, music, theater, dance, symposiums on Lord Jagannath, spirituality, Odia language and literature
Website: odishasociety.org

Other International Organizations:

Odisha Society of Canada (CANOSA)
Odisha Society of United Kingdom (OSUK)
Odia Society of Ireland (OSI)
Norway Odia Community
Odia Society of Singapore (OSS)
Pravasi Odia (online community)

Domestic Organizations (Other Indian Cities)

Bangalore:

Orissa Cultural Association (OCA) — major focus on Odia socio-cultural events
Nuakhai Bhetghat Kutumb (NKBK) — cultural outfit
Estimated 6 lakh Odias in Bangalore

Hyderabad:

Utkal Parishad (Kanchanbagh) — registered not-for-profit
Western Odisha Social and Cultural Association (WOSACA)
Hyderabad Odia Association (Facebook group)

Pune:

Bhetghat Cultural Association (BCA) — formed 2005

Delhi:

Odia Association of Delhi — owns Jagannath Temple
Odia Cultural Association (Haryana-based)
Odia Mahasangram

Varanasi:

Varanaseya Utkal Samaj — 60+ year history

Surat:

No formal organizations found in research — notable given 7-8 lakh Odia workers
Community life organized around caste-based mess systems and informal networks

Source: Odia diaspora | Wikipedia

International Diaspora Distribution

Most Odia population abroad originates from Balasore (northern Odisha), followed by Cuttack and Bhadrak
Significant presence in: USA, Canada, UK, Australia, Thailand, Indonesia, Singapore, Gulf countries
Kendrapada plumbers have a notable presence in West Asia/Gulf states
Total Odia speakers worldwide: ~50 million (45 million globally, 44 million in India)

8. STRUCTURAL OBSERVATIONS FOR THE ARTICLE

The Three Migrations (Not One)

Odisha doesn’t have one migration story — it has at least three fundamentally different ones:

Distress/bonded migration (Western Odisha to brick kilns): Debt-driven, seasonal, family-based, exploitative, effectively unfree labor. The poorest. Tribal and SC communities.
Semi-permanent labor migration (Ganjam to Surat/Kerala): Network-driven, caste-organized, semi-skilled. Workers stay years. Remittances transform home villages. But conditions are brutal. OBC-dominated Surat corridor; SC-driven shift to Kerala.
Professional/skill migration (across Odisha to metros/abroad): Education-driven, permanent. IT workers to Bangalore/Hyderabad. Plumbers from Kendrapada to everywhere. Engineers who never return.

The Paradox

Migration is simultaneously:

The primary poverty reduction mechanism for millions of Odias (Ganjam poverty: 22% to 6%)
The primary exploitation mechanism for hundreds of thousands (brick kiln bonded labor)
The primary drain on the state’s human capital (engineers, doctors, skilled workers who leave and don’t return)
The primary disenfranchisement mechanism (~200,000 voters unable to vote; “dadan khati” as election issue)

The Invisible Infrastructure

What’s remarkable is the absence of formal infrastructure for what is one of India’s most significant internal migration corridors:

No formal labor contracts in Surat
Workers not registered under real names
No ID cards after 10+ years of work
Compensation only inside factory (not in living quarters)
No formal Odia community organization in Surat despite 7-8 lakh people
Sardars operate entirely informally in brick kiln recruitment
Dadan Labour Act of 1975 effectively unenforced for 50 years

Caste Doesn’t Stay Home

One of the most striking findings: caste hierarchy doesn’t dissolve with migration — it travels. The Surat corridor reproduces Ganjam’s caste structure in miniature: separate messes, separate thalis, machine access denied to Dalits. The result is a second migration — Dalits leaving the Surat corridor for Kerala, where caste is less salient. Migration doesn’t liberate from caste; it creates new geographies of the same hierarchy.

The Political Economy of Leaving

Kantabanji is both:

The largest migrant labor market in western Odisha (Rs 1,200 crore in transactions during Nuakhai)
The constituency Naveen Patnaik chose to contest in 2024 — and lost

The departure point became the judgment point.

SOURCES INDEX

Major Reports and Academic Sources

Investigative Journalism

Rescue Operations and Exploitation

COVID-19 Migration

Government and Policy

Diaspora Organizations

Balasore Train Disaster

Reverse Migration Initiatives

Cited in

The narrative series that build on this research.

Narrative series The Leaving Migration and diaspora — dadan labour, Surat, brain drain, remittances, empty villages.